Israel's furious response to the British government's decision to ban trade with Israeli settlements in the occupied
West Bank testifies to just how important this moment is.Britain took the brunt of
Israel's anger, but the fact that 12 countries chose to move together clearly sharpened the sense of outrage.Officials in
London always knew that such a dramatic shift in policy towards
Israel-Palestine was going to elicit a hostile response, but seemed taken aback by the speed and ferocity of
Israel's reaction.The closure of the UK's consulate in
East Jerusalem, which serves the
West Bank and deals directly with the
Palestinian Authority in
Ramallah, and the removal of British representatives from the International Gaza Support Centre, the body set up last year to co-ordinate stabilisation and relief efforts in the
Gaza Strip, are very hostile moves.They tell you that
Israel is deeply troubled by Tuesday's action by the UK and 11 other countries, which include
France,
Spain and
Canada.Products manufactured in settlements may not represent a significant proportion of
Israel's exports, but the political symbolism of singling these out for special treatment is powerful.Ilia YEFIMOVICH / AFP via Getty ImagesThree Israeli settlers - including an armed one - stand outside houses after the reopening of a settlement at Ganim in the Israeli-occupied
West Bank in AugustFor decades, the British and other governments have regarded settlements in occupied Palestinian territory as illegal but stopped short of banning products grown or manufactured there.Now, having announced that Britain agrees with the 2024 International Court of Justice ruling that the occupation as a whole - including
Israel's military presence - is unlawful, Foreign Secretary
Ed Miliband says the government's economic relationships must reflect that.Hence the ban, not just on products but also on companies that provide construction, infrastructure or finance to settlements. The measures, which also include restrictions on arms sales that "materially contribute to the occupation", go further than many expected.And it's not just the actions - it's the language of the foreign secretary's heartfelt, sometimes deeply personal statement that is so striking.As a "proud British Jew... unwavering in my support for the state of
Israel," Miliband spoke more directly and starkly than practically any of his predecessors.That a British foreign secretary should say that "settler terrorism is rampant" and was responsible for the "ethnic cleansing" of Palestinians in parts of the
West Bank, while the Israeli government "turned a blind eye to this" is truly remarkable.Miliband calls this a "reset" in British policy. At times today, it felt like a radical rethink, and it leaves British-Israeli relations at their lowest ebb for decades.Anadolu via Getty ImagesSix people, including three school pupils, have been killed in the
West Bank village of al-Mughayyir this year in a surge of settler-related violence against Palestinians - last week hundreds attended a funeral for two teenagers killed there by Israeli forcesYes, the heated, febrile atmosphere that invariably accompanies an impending Israeli election may have contributed to Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar's brutal response, but most Israelis will have shared his sense of outrage.Many Israelis find the violent, messianic ideology of some settlers deeply problematic. Some see them as a national embarrassment. But that's not the same as saying they agree that settlements, built on land captured during the 1967 Six Day War, are illegal.Most would disagree vehemently with the former prime minister, Ehud Olmert, who last year accused his successor Benjamin Netanyahu of turning
Israel into an international pariah.But they can feel the walls of international opprobrium closing in - from protests at Eurovision or sporting events, to international arrest warrants being issued against their leaders and now to bans on settlement products - and that makes them anxious and defensive.For the Palestinians, on the other hand, this feels like progress. The Palestinian foreign ministry commended the countries adopting sanctions but called for "urgent, concrete measures" to stop
Israel's "illegal settlement enterprise".In
London, the Palestinian ambassador Dr Husam Zomlot called the government's decision "a turning point in the UK-Palestine relationship".Britain's "courageous steps", he said, would help pave the way for the independence of the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders, with
East Jerusalem as its capital.But Zomlot knows that the reality of
Israel's 59-year occupation has not ended, or even substantially changed.The prospects for a viable Palestinian state remain vanishingly small, and there's little immediate sign that concerted action by 12 countries will reverse
Israel's seemingly inexorable takeover of the
West Bank.Only the United States has that kind of influence, should it choose to wield it.In 1991, President George HW Bush and his steely Secretary of State James Baker threatened to withhold $10bn (£7.4bn) in loan guarantees from the government of Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, when the famously tough Shamir refused to promise that it wouldn't be used to finance settlement activity in the occupied territories.But Donald Trump has so far shown no desire to curb Benjamin Netanyahu's settlement plans.Some parts of Trump's MAGA movement have turned against
Israel in recent years, but the US ambassador to
Israel, Mike Huckabee, is a fervent Christian Zionist who shares
Israel's view that the
West Bank was promised to the Jews by God.So Tuesday's action by the UK and its partners pits them not just against
Israel but also against
Israel's backer-in-chief in Washington.