Analysts believe
Hezbollah will not accept the second phase of disarmament as long as
Israel continues attacking
Lebanon.A destroyed building following an Israeli air strike in an industrial area of
Ghaziyeh, Sidon District, southern
Lebanon [Wael Hamzeh/EPA]Published On 7 Jan 2026Beirut,
Lebanon – The strikes on
Lebanon this week were the latest attacks conducted by
Israel on its northern neighbour.
Israel has consistently bombed
Lebanon and conducted drone strikes despite a
United States-brokered ceasefire in November 2024. The United Nations Interim Force in
Lebanon (UNIFIL) has documented more than 10,000 ceasefire violations by the Israelis, including 7,500 airspace violations and 2,500 ground violations.Recommended Stories list of 3 itemslist 1 of 3Who decides what’s true in the digital age?list 2 of 3Israeli FM visits Somaliland after world-first recognition stormlist 3 of 3Congress’s role questioned as Democrats vow to rein in Trump on Venezuelaend of listThe Israeli military also continues to occupy five points in
Lebanon, despite agreeing to withdraw all its troops.On Monday,
Israel issued forced evacuation orders for four villages in
Lebanon’s south and the
Bekaa Valley, in eastern
Lebanon, before bombing the areas. The Israeli military said that the attacks had hit targets associated with the Lebanese group
Hezbollah and the Palestinian group
Hamas.Then, on Tuesday,
Israel conducted more attacks in southern
Lebanon, saying that it was targeting
Hezbollah operatives.Weakened HezbollahIsrael has killed more than 4,000 people in
Lebanon since October 2023, as part of its war with
Hezbollah.Most of the dead were killed between September and November 2024, when more than 1.2 million people were displaced by
Israel’s evacuation warnings.The
World Bank estimates that
Israel left
Lebanon with approximately $11bn in needs for reconstruction and recovery.The war also deeply diminished
Hezbollah’s power in the country. Much of its military leadership was killed during the intensification, including its longtime leader
Hassan Nasrallah. In the war’s aftermath, the group is being pressured to give up the weapons that have long defined its identity as a “resistance” group to
Israel.In August 2025, the Lebanese government approved a plan to have the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) disarm
Hezbollah. The decision was domestically popular outside of
Hezbollah’s support base as a way of strengthening the Lebanese state, but also came as a result of increasing pressure from the US and
Israel.For its part,
Hezbollah has repeatedly rejected calls for disarmament. The group says that
Israel has not abided by its side of the ceasefire.“To demand exclusive arms control while
Israel is committing aggression and the
United States is imposing its will on
Lebanon…means that you are not working in
Lebanon’s interest but rather in the interest of what
Israel wants,” Nasrallah’s successor, Naim Qassem, said in a speech on January 3, 2026.“We call for equipping the Lebanese Army to enable it to be an army for the country that protects against enemies, in addition to the other tasks it is doing in the face of drug and theft gangs, all spies and those who tamper with the country’s security.”Internal confrontation in
Lebanon?Still,
Hezbollah has largely been disarmed south of the Litani River, according to Lebanese Army and government officials. Lebanese military officials have said the only places they were unable to operate in removing
Hezbollah weapons and infrastructure were near the Israeli-occupied five points.The deadline to disarm below the Litani was the end of 2025.
Lebanon’s cabinet is set to meet on Thursday to discuss “phase two” of the disarmament plan, which would entail disarming
Hezbollah and Palestinian militias from the area between the Litani River, situated about 30km (19 miles) from the Israeli border and running along southern
Lebanon, to the Awali River, which runs just north of Sidon. There are about 40km (25 miles) of territory between the Litani and Awali.
Lebanon’s Prime Minister Nawaf Salam wrote on social media that his government was focused on ending Israeli attacks, removing Israeli troops from the five points in south
Lebanon and returning Lebanese detainees held by
Israel.“We promise to continue together the path of reform and the extension of state authority,” he wrote.Salam and others in the Lebanese government admit that the LAF are not strong enough to confront
Israel directly. In turn, they have tried to appeal to regional allies and the international community.“Appealing to the international community to pressure
Israel is a necessary but limited strategy,” Imad Salamey, a political scientist at Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera.“While diplomatic engagement can help restrain the scale of Israeli operations and preserve space for negotiations, it is unlikely on its own to halt attacks unless paired with clear, verifiable progress on disarmament and credible security guarantees. In practice, international actors tend to place greater pressure on
Lebanon to deliver results on the ground than on
Israel to exercise restraint, which reduces the effectiveness of this approach unless
Lebanon can anchor it to a concrete bargain linking implementation to measurable Israeli de-escalation.”The Lebanese government is in a difficult position, without many cards to play.
Hezbollah has largely not impeded the Lebanese Army’s work south of the Litani. But should Israeli attacks continue, analysts believe the group won’t be as accommodating going forward.Qassem Kassir, a Lebanese political analyst close to
Hezbollah, told Al Jazeera that for the group to begin discussions of disarmament,
Israel must first stop attacking
Lebanon and release prisoners, and the Lebanese state must begin reconstructing the damage done by
Israel during and since the war.“Only then can the future of weapons be discussed,” he said.Kassir warned that failure to address those issues before implementing the second phase of the disarmament plan will spark tensions.“Otherwise, we will face a confrontation.”
Hezbollah battered but not defeatedThe Lebanese government, meanwhile, is caught between increasing pressure from the US and
Israel, and
Hezbollah’s refusal to disarm.“As long as Israeli strikes continue,
Hezbollah and its constituency can plausibly argue that disarmament beyond the south exposes them to greater vulnerability,” Salamey said.“Israeli strikes function not only as military actions, but also as strategic messaging, aimed at undermining
Lebanon’s claim that it has restored state authority and completed disarmament south of the Litani.”
Israel has meanwhile tried to argue that
Hezbollah is regrouping in the south, despite counterclaims by the UN peacekeeping force UNIFIL, and has said the Lebanese Army is moving too slowly in its disarmament mission.“If
Israel continues its attacks while the LAF proceeds with phase two disarmament north of the Litani River, the repercussions could be severe,” Salamey said. “
Israel may interpret any disruption or delay as justification to broaden its target set, thereby deepening instability and raising the risk of a wider confrontation at a moment when
Lebanon is least able to absorb it.”Should the Lebanese Army proceed with the second phase while
Israel continues striking targets in
Lebanon, analysts believe
Hezbollah could feel threatened and respond aggressively.And while foreign diplomats and analysts say that
Hezbollah was greatly weakened by
Israel’s war on
Lebanon in 2024, they still believe the group is strong enough to confront any domestic challenges.“Consequently, phase two risks evolving from a technical security measure into a broader political confrontation over sequencing, guarantees, and internal stability in
Lebanon,” Salamey said.